Unique game with a singular art style set in the blood-soaked and paranoid world of the French Revolution, where often you could not tell a friend from an enemy. As a judge of the Revolutionary Tribunal, you will pass sentences and play a dangerous political game. Jul 30, 2019 This is the second review in our three-part series of reviews of We. Stoltzfus Paris, the early 1790s. Various competing factions (royalists, the common people, revolutionaries), having overgrown the crumbling edifice of the Old Regime, yield to no one in their attempts to best one another.
The media's passive reaction to the obscenity of both the location and nature of the speech and their virtual silence in response to the recorded 24% increase in the amount of homeless deaths over the last five years, reflects what writer John Wight alludes as the establishments ‘consensus of indifference' that occurs immediately prior to revolutionary insurrection.
While the political class continue fighting their internal battles over Brexit, a complicit corporate ‘mainstream' have largely overlooked the plight of homeless people like Mr Remes and millions of other UK citizens blighted by four decades of neoliberal socioeconomic policies of successive UK governments.
Waging war against the people
It's a sad indictment of our times that, in the aftermath of the EU referendum vote, millions of ordinary people appear to have been persuaded by the liberal media commentariats obsession with the arguments of ‘Leave versus Remain'. Scr3311 driver for mac. That the waging of a non-existent class war between the two factions is, first and foremost, an ideological ruling class battle for the reins of political power, is unmentionable in mainstream media parlance.
What has also been excluded from ‘mainstream' media discourse is any mention of the fact that the real class war, is one in which a deliberate and calculated attrition strategy has been waged by the political class against the citizens of the UK – a fifth of whom have been immiserated by poverty. The class war is also impacting negatively on vast swaths of the professional ‘middle class' demographic hitherto regarded as being largely immune from the vagaries of the rigged neoliberal market-based system.
What this indicates is that the mass of the population is losing the class war and losing it badly. Naturally, the hardest hit are the weakest who are least able to defend themselves. Figures from 2017 show that 120,000 of the UKs most vulnerable citizens have suffered preventable ‘excess' deaths caused by the Coalition and Tory governments since 2010. 170 years ago, Engels coined the phrase 'social murder' which is as relevant in the UK in 2019 as it was in Victorian Manchester. ‘Austerity' is the establishments preferred euphemism.
Violent proletarianisation
Dr Chris Grover, who heads Lancaster University's Sociology Department says that austerity can be understood as a form of violence that is built into the very structure of society.
In order to address what Dr Grover describes as a process of 'violent proletarianisation', the sociologist argues that what is required is not the tweaking of existing policies but fundamental change that removes the economic need for people to work for the lowest wages that employers can get away with paying and which people on benefits are coerced into accepting.
A working poor demographic that is so impoverished it needs state benefits to survive is a policy of despair and an effective admittance of state policy failure.
But more than that, the manipulation by the ruling class of the institutions of society upon which neoliberalism is predicated and through which the said class enrich themselves, is socioeconomically and environmentally unsustainable. There is a need to regulate neoliberalism in order to save the system from either the revolutionary impulses of an impoverished population, or the rapacious actions of competing capitalists who are driven, as Marx put it, by their need to 'accumulate for accumulations sake'.
Given that an influential venture capitalist has acknowledged that capitalism either reforms or the ruling class will be faced with revolution, the latter would be wise to listen. John Wight's recently penned article in which he argues the UK is ripe for revolution given that the ruling class clearly has no intention of listening, is as perceptive as it is analytically cogent. With the recent widespread Yellow Vest protests in France united in their demands to put an end to neoliberalism, class analysis is once again featuring centre stage as the theoretical catalyst for revolution.
'As we move into 2019, the contradictions of a society in which so many have been pushed into poverty and destitution in service to the ideology of wealth and privilege, have become more acute than at any time since the Second World War', says Wight.
A system at breaking point
Both capital and labour form part of a mutually reinforcing dynamic that are dependent on a relative equilibrium in order for them to thrive. However, the tensions in society – conceived as a unity of opposites integral to the exploitative capitalist system – are at breaking point. As Wight puts it, 'the Tories have pushed the austerity envelope too far'. They have done this while remaining in a state of denial, which is precisely the consensus of indifference required for a revolution to take place, as outlined at the beginning of this article.
'In Britain we have been conditioned to believe that revolutions are either a thing of the past, a mere footnote in history, or only ever take place in far away places we associate with instability and chaos', says Wight. This is true.
But we have also been conditioned into believing that they happen spontaneously without logical reason as if emerging out of a metaphorical clear blue sky.
'There are decades where nothing happens; and there are weeks where decades happen', said Lenin. Download graphicconverter 10 5 5.
Fundamental shifts in human consciousness resulting from 40 years of neoliberalism have led to a storm of revolution appearing on the UK horizon – a storm, as Marx put it, borne out of the shifting 'ensemble of social relations' over time. In other words, human consciousness shifts as part of a process in time culminating in a succession of small changes which beyond a certain point can lead to the complete transformation of society.
These changes are correspondingly accompanied by changing ‘human nature': 'The essence of man is no abstraction inherent in each single individual', said Marx. There is, in other words, no such thing as ‘human nature' in the abstract. Rather as society changes, so also do the desires, beliefs and abilities of human beings.
John Wight has summarized these processes perfectly:
'Consciousness shifts slowly and in fits and starts, but inexorably and inevitably, due to the maturing crisis within capitalism. It reaches the point of critical mass when that which is normally invisible is made visible; when, per Marx, the illusion of the condition of existence gives way to reality.'
Wight envisages the opulence on display at the Drawing Room of Buckingham Palace as more than symbolic:
'I believe this year's Queens Christmas message is just such a turning point, a moment of profound crystallisation with regard to the status quo. The upcoming demo on January 12 in London could thus not be better timed to take place.'
Footnotes:
We. The Revolution puts you in the shoes of a judge in revolutionary France, tasked with enforcing the laws of the new regime. To help present this, gameplay is divided between night and day, with each day bringing a new court case. You read up on the details of the case, question witnesses and the defendant, check the opinion of the jury and finally pass a sentence.
In each trial, you can choose between acquittal, jail, or the guillotine. If you choose the death sentence, you get the pleasure of operating the guillotine yourself. Pressing ‘A'to drop the blade is a clever way to reinforce the weight of your decision, though that gets less effective with each repetition of the identical cut-scene.
During trials, reading documents and examining evidence is central to the gameplay. There isn't a crazy amount of reading, but players with a short attention span might have some complaints. Otherwise, the system is a bit reductive. An example is the trial of Citizen Capet, formerly known as King Louis XVI. There are a couple more documents than usual in this trial but barely enough to detail his escape let alone the cruelty and excesses of his reign. We. The Revolution rarely bothers to explain the wider historical context to uninformed players, making it feel a little pointless.
In essence, your role is to match details of the case to various legal elements like evidence, witnesses, and the extent of acting counter-revolutionary. The questions you ask depend on the connections you make. Each question displays an icon indicating which way the answer will push the jury. This is a useful feature, since most of the time sentencing is more a matter of deciding who you need to placate than a fair punishment. Each case influences a faction, and if you want to keep yourself secure, then you must keep each faction happy. https://herelfile944.weebly.com/spin-io-game.html.
Throughout the night, you must keep your family content. These segments add a bit more humanity to the game, and help ground your actions in the real world. This humanising is limited to your family, though; ordinary people remain an angry mob. Bizarrely, these segments are also followed by a board game. You use small figures to take over districts, giving you influence points for do-overs in court. It's a shallow and dull inclusion, and makes little sense.
In terms of format, the plot of We. The Revolution is told through narrated pannings across comic book panels. The stylised art is fantastic, helping to communicate the game's scale, and the accompanying score only furthers this, being epic and tragic enough to set the mood. The music, too, gives way to ambient courtroom noises during trials, which only serve to elevate the atmosphere.
Sadly, the game's performance on Switch is disappointing. Like clockwork, the game freezes every day when choosing a family activity for the night and again when progressing into the next day. It makes the package feel sloppy. It's a shame, since the courtroom scenes are perfect for handheld play.
We The Revolution (2019) Revolution
We. The Revolution takes the approach of applying modern moralistic standards to a past culture with cases hinging on whether the crime was ‘counter-revolutionary' in nature or not, with little context or meaning. The game doesn't bother to ponder how liberty, equality, and fraternity ruled the guillotine. Overall, it's a disappointingly shallow depiction of the period, and considering the potential of the courtroom, it is a shame that We. The Revolution so often fails to humanise the mob.
Small Business Revolution 2019
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We. The Revolution (2019)
There is great potential in We. The Revolution to provoke genuine empathy for the liberated citizen. This is squandered in favour of sneering at the barbaric past. With poor performance and the dull night-time segments, it isn't a great package on the Switch.
